The Mattarella-Draghi Italian Duo

Instead, he wanted to put in place a government "di alto profilo" which loosely translates to "a high-profile government", that would span the political spectrum and be able to tackle the most pressing issues as quickly and effectively as possible. This was imperative, in his view: Italians were expecting action and Italy’s credibility in the EU was at stake. It is against this backdrop that the President of the Republic called on Mario Draghi to come to the rescue. His name had been circulating in the small world of Italian politics for almost a year. He then formed a national unity government (the extreme right-wing Italian Brotherhood was the only party that refused to join).

Faced with major challenges, Italian politicians called on an apolitical "savior", a technician. This was not the first time in the Republic’s history. Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, for example, was Governor of the Bank of Italy until 1993 and moved on to become President of the Council from 1993 to 1994, and finally President of the Republic from 1999 to 2006. Mario Monti, professor at the prestigious Bocconi University in Milan, was President of the Council from 2011 to 2013. Unlike his two predecessors, though, Mario Draghi is not tasked with carrying out widespread austerity policies; on the contrary, he has to determine how to spend massive amounts of money intelligently. Moreover, while not a career politician, Mario Draghi has acquired a great deal of political experience through the "technical" positions he held, notably as Governor of the Bank of Italy and President of the European Central Bank.

A duo complementing each other

The Draghi-Mattarella duo is built on scrupulous compliance with the functions assigned to the two presidencies by the Constitution. The President of the Republic, elected by parliamentarians and other electors for a period of seven years, is the head of state. They have the power to dissolve the Chamber, to appoint the President of the Council and, on the latter’s proposition, to appoint the ministers who make up the government. They co-sign laws and promulgate them, appoint senior state officials, assume command of the armed forces and chair the High Council of the Judiciary. The President of the Council of Ministers, on the other hand, directs the government's policy and is held accountable for it. They coordinate the ministers’ work. In practice, the executive branch has been stronger than the legislative branch for decades. This applies especially to the President of the Council, who has more de facto influence than the President of the Republic.

After the dissolution of that party in the early 1990s, he remained on the center-left. He has occupied several ministerial posts and was a judge at the Constitutional Court before becoming President of the Republic in 2015.

Born in Rome in 1947, Mario Draghi is an economist who has had a brilliant career marked by international experience. He completed his doctorate at MIT in Boston and subsequently held academic positions for several years. From 1991 to 2001, he was Director General of the Italian Treasury. After a brief stint at Goldman Sachs, he became Governor of the Bank of Italy in 2006, where he remained for five years. He excelled in his 2011-2019 mandate as President of the European Central Bank, particularly during the European sovereign debt crisis. His famous "whatever it takes" statement in 2012 almost immediately put an end to the currency speculation then underway with the euro; as such, he helped save the European single currency.

On the one hand, we have a politician with little knowledge of economic issues; on the other hand, an economist not well versed in all the intricacies of political games but used to negotiating with political leaders. These two divergent backgrounds have proven to be complementary and effective: both men have turned their respective strengths into an asset. When tensions build up between political parties in the executive branch, the two presidents form a united front to prevent escalation into a crisis that could threaten the stability of the government. Their common objective is to see the country through to the end of the legislature next spring, in order to set Italy on the path of transformation they believe is necessary. They enjoy support from other political actors, especially the Democratic Party, but also the European Commission and the financial markets. Italian journalists who follow them closely are unanimous in their observation that the two presidents have developed a strong personal relationship based on mutual trust and esteem. Each has his own style: Mario Draghi speaks little - to the annoyance of party leaders and journalists alike - and works closely with a small, trusted and loyal team he formed himself, especially when it comes to economic matters. As a result, Sergio Mattarella speaks in public more often than the President of the Council, but always in accordance with protocol and in his typical reserved manner.

A duo with shared objectives - and occasional tension

The tandem works because both presidents know that they are striving for the same goals. With regards to the pandemic, their vaccination policy has been successful, despite protests by anti-vaxxers. Another priority is the implementation of the recovery plan known in Italy as the PNRR, or National Recovery and Resilience Plan, not only to ensure the economy bounces back but also in the interest of future transformations. This primordial task is Mario Draghi's responsibility. His main priorities are to digitalize the country, encourage business innovation, improve competitiveness, develop the cultural sector, promote the "green revolution" and the ecological transition, develop transport infrastructure in order to fluidify traffic flows, provide environmentally friendly mobility options, make significant investments in education and research, implement policies to promote social inclusion and cohesion, and make a considerable effort to improve public health. In addition, state modernization projects are underway, in particular wide-ranging public administration reforms, with in-depth training for civil servants.

Along with Emmanuel Macron, Italy is working toward a change to the Maastricht Treaty, with the aim to reinforce Europe’s strategic autonomy through common defense and security policy, and to develop a coordinated policy on migration. France-Italy relations are excellent, as evidenced by the signing of the Quirinal Treaty in November 2021. Even on a personal level, Emmanuel Macron maintains a warm and friendly relationship with both Mattarella and Draghi, and there is solid mutual trust.

With regards to the Ukraine crisis, Sergio Mattarella and Mario Draghi both strongly condemned Russia's invasion. They provided logistical assistance to Ukraine, increased military spending and agreed - admittedly, after a moment’s hesitation - to impose sanctions against Moscow despite Italy's strong dependence on Russian gas. At the end of May, Italy proposed a peace plan, though it did not go anywhere. The tough stance of the executive is running into criticism from within the government itself, notably from the pro-Russian League as well as part of the Five Star Movement, which has strong pacifist tendencies. 

The Italian public overwhelmingly condemns Russian aggression and expresses broad solidarity with Ukrainians, but is much more reserved about sending arms to Vlodymyr Zelenskyy's troops. It is eager for peace, as evidenced by a major survey conducted in Europe in June showing that Italy is the country with the largest pacifist camp. Demonstrations have been held to demand an end to the war and to protest the government's firm response to the conflict. These attitudes attest to the persistence of an old pacifist tradition in Italy, rooted in the histories of Catholicism and communism. A minority on the far left places the main responsibility for the conflict on the United States and tends to attribute as much blame to Ukraine as to Russia for the outbreak of the war. Pacifists play on Italians' fears that the government's policies would prolong and extend the war, with significant negative impacts on growth, inflation and purchasing power.

Nevertheless, the Italien executive branch is proving to be more pro-Atlantic than ever. Proof of this is the President of the Council’s meeting with Joe Biden in Washington DC last month, where the US President referred to Mario Draghi as "a good friend and a great ally".

One of the last objectives of the Draghi-Mattarella government is to fight populism by appealing to a sense of shared responsibility and national unity. This is why Enrico Letta, previous dean of the Paris School of International Affairs (PSIA) at Sciences Po Paris, has agreed to return to his country to lead the Democratic Party and establish it as the Draghi government’s main supporter. Nevertheless, populism is present in both the government and the parliamentary majority. This is the case of the League and the Five Star Movement, but also of the Italian Brotherhood, which is growing rapidly. At the G7 summit in late June, Mario Draghi stressed that inflation and possible socio-economic deteriorations could benefit these parties. If so, he said, the future of not just Italy but the entire European Union would be in jeopardy.

Though united, the Mattarella-Draghi couple did go through a moment of uncertainty. When President Mattarella's term in office was due to expire at the beginning of 2022 and he announced urbi et orbi that he intended to step down, it was common knowledge that Mario Draghi had ambitions to succeed him, although he had never formally announced as much. However, this proved impossible for various reasons and Sergio Mattarella ultimately agreed to stay on for a second term. Well-informed Italian journalists claim that Mario Draghi was upset and hurt by this outcome and that relations between the two men have been less warm and more distant ever since. Moreover, since the beginning of the year, the 5-Star Movement, the League and Forza Italia, and the PD have been putting forward their own proposals and marking their differences in view of the next elections to garner support. A kind of political guerrilla warfare was taking place. 

In this context, during the government crisis that broke out in early summer, the Draghi-Mattarella duo was severely tested, to a point of no return. Indeed, on July 14, as criticism from the 5-Star Movement became increasingly harsh, Mario Draghi asked the Senate for a confidence vote. He obtained it, but as the senators of the 5-Star Movement deliberately deserted the Chamber, the President of the Council considered that he no longer had a large majority. He immediately presented his resignation to the President of the Republic, who refused it, asking him to return to the Chambers five days later. Was it a simple role play between the two men to gain time and hope to recompose the majority? Or was it a fundamental disagreement between an experienced politician, cunning and used to negotiations, and an impulsive economist, used to deciding and acting, irritated by the actions of the leaders of the parties, who were already preoccupied by the elections?

Conclusion

The Draghi-Mattarella duo lasted one year, five months and seven days. They failed to implement their ambitious reform program. In the future, historians will draw up a complete balance sheet of what was undertaken. Mario Draghi will probably not go into politics. Instead, the Democratic Party, and various small centrist parties will go before the voters in loyal support of Draghi’s action. This in the hope that his popularity, which remains high despite him leaving Palazzo Chigi, and the mobilization of civil society (requesting an extension of Draghies experience between July 14 and 20) will benefit them at the ballot box. Perhaps Mario Draghi, like the legendary Cincinnatus, will return to a humble civilian life, while standing in reserve for the Italian Republic or the EU. For his part, Sergio Mattarella will remain President. At the time of his re-election, he clearly announced his intention to serve until the end of his seven-year term, normally in 2029 when he will be 88 years old. However, the end of the duo forged with Mario Draghi undoubtedly weakened him because of the strong support he gave him. So it is from a "President on the defensive" position that he will have to work with the center-right grouping of Forza Italia, the League and the Italian Brotherhood led by Giorgia Meloni's party, and which according to current polls, is expected to win the elections. She could be chosen by Sergio Mattarella for the Presidency of the Council. In this case, the two of them would unquestionably form a drastically different duo.