State of the European Union: Can Europe Step it up a Notch?

Each September comes with its traditions: children back to school, new novels on bookstore shelves, and, since 2010, the State of the Union speech from the Commission President, marking the start of the political season for MEPs. Fifteen years on, the SOTEU-whose name takes its inspiration from the American political lexicon-has become a true European ritual one hour devoted to the Commission President’s review and priorities, followed by a debate in the hemicycle, Strasbourg’s parliamentary chamber.

Ursula von der Leyen knows the drill: this is her fifth address. What could be seen as a routine affair takes on particular significance this year. This is not only the first SOTEU since retaking office in 2024-traditionally no speech is delivered in election years-but the first time she has addressed the hemicycle since July 2024, when the European Parliament rejected a motion of censure filed against her by a collection of far-right MEPs. The re-elected President now faces a dual imperative: to demonstrate the fruits of her Commission’s first year of labour, and to outline the political solutions capable of safeguarding cohesion and the interests of European citizens. Given the heightened political tension of this rentrée, von der Leyen’s real test will be bolstering support. Admittedly, the diagnosis is nothing new: already in 2023, Europe seemed mired in a succession of crises. Repetition does not, however, diminish the gravity of the situation. On the security front, Europe is navigating a strategic reshaping-caught between war in the East, instability in the South, and the wavering of an unreliable American ally. Economically speaking, it has yet to find a model that successfully combines prosperity, strategic autonomy, and decarbonisation.

"Europe is in a fight"

From the outset, von der Leyen’s speech plunges into a martial discourse, where the Union is first defined by its struggle for survival, and Europeans in their struggle for freedom (with the word "fight" occurring no fewer than thirteen times). The struggle represents not only a theme but a symbolic matrix: a fight for independence, a fight for freedom, a fight for the future. From this, emerge three strategic pillars: a Europe of defence, capable of protecting its territory and citizens; a competitive Europe, ensuring its economic and technological sovereignty; and a democratic and fair Europe, safeguarding its values, the rule of law, and the unity of its project. While the emphasis on independence, freedom and struggle was new, the speech-and the blueprint it laid out-falls in line with key elements of the Draghi report. The prevalence of defence and competitiveness, two terms omnipresent in the EU’s current lexicon, came as little surprise this year.

Consolidating European Defence Efforts

Ursula von der Leyen’s announcements thus fit, unsurprisingly, within the 2024-2029 Commission work programme, whose ambition is to establish a fully-fledged European Defence Union (EDU), capable of integrating member States’ defence industries. The Union commits itself to the fight for freedom-Ukraine’s freedom, which "is Europe’s." Moreover, the President also stressed that Europe "will defend every inch of its territory." The incursion of Russian drones into Polish airspace only hours prior lent a tragically tangible substance to von der Leyen’s militaristic tone, while this Sunday, Romania reported yet more incursions.

In this context, the instruments Europe has already deployed were recalled: Readiness 2030 (formerly ReArm Europe), designed to mobilise up to €800 billion for defence, and the SAFE program (Security for Action for Europe), dedicated to joint arms procurement, endowed with €150 billion and already adopted by 19 member States. Just as the Covid vaccine roll-out, the recovery plan, or support for Ukraine demonstrated, Europe does have the capacity to act in a swift, united and consequential manner.

The Commission President intends to go further. First, by announcing new measures for Ukraine, with the Qualitative Military Edge program, intended to ensure Kyiv’s long-term technological superiority, particularly in the field of drones. What’s more, €6 billion, drawn from the ERA loan-Europe’s contribution to the G7’s Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration Loans for Ukraine (ERA) initiative- to finance a Drone Alliance. Finally, using the same logic as the ERA’s financing instrument, she advocates using frozen Russian assets to guarantee a reparations loan to Ukraine, one that would only be repaid the day Russia pays for war reparations. For the Union itself, she sketched out a roadmap: the establishment of an Eastern Flank Watch to reinforce the border from the Baltic to the Black Sea; the development of common real-time space surveillance capabilities; the construction of a "drone wall" with the Baltic states; and the creation of a European Defence Semester by 2030 to coordinate and plan efforts.

From an industrial perspective, too, transforming EU initiatives into mass production in Ukraine presupposes a capacity for coordination, notably public-private, which has yet to be demonstrated.

A President Under Pressure on Competitiveness

In line with the initial priority laid out for her second mandate, and several weeks after the controversial trade agreement with the United States, Ms. von der Leyen placed competitiveness at the very heart of the fight for independence and freedom in her address.

Drawing from the Draghi report, the Commission President recalled the already significant commitments made such as the Competitiveness Compass or the Clean Industrial Deal. These statements, more performative than substantive in nature, allowed von der Leyen to confirm her determination to deliver on already-agreed commitments and to reassure European businesses and industries, eager for results. The Commission reiterated its desire to pursue its simplification agenda to reduce administrative burden on businesses-tired of Brussels’ regulatory framework. Added to the six Omnibus proposals put forward by the Commission since February 2025, will be a further two in the digital and military mobility domains. Ms von der Leyen is also pressing ahead to further integrate the single market in line with the mandate workplan derived from the Letta report. This includes preparing the 28ᵗʰ regime, creating a new common legal framework for companies; "speeding up" the work on the Savings and Investment Union, to deepen EU financial integration.

In terms of reindustrialisation, so far, the Commission has adopted the CISAF, which simplifies State aid rules and helps speeding up investment for energy-intensive or green industries and pushed forward a proposal to simplify the CBAM- adopted by Parliament on the very day of the speech. Continuing in her reassuring approach, the Commission President directed her attention to key sectors, such as the steel industry, promising long-term trade instruments to shield against unfair competition.

Yet, turning words into action remains the real challenge. Von der Leyen has long insisted on the importance of developing a European electric vehicle market, recalling the "Battery Booster Package," though just two days post-address agreed to reconsider the 2035 ban on new combustion-engine cars, a move which would see the initial deadline deferred.

Though, one question remains unanswered. Faster implementation, yes, but in what time frame? A year after the publication of the Draghi report, only 11% of the suggested measures have been put in place. Businesses and industries are impatient to see these commitments realised.

Democracy, the Third European Front

Von der Leyen makes it clear that democracy is "under attack" and that our "fight" is also on the democratic front. Europe’s defence is not a choice but a necessity for a continent now confronted with the rise of national-populism.

Pointing to disinformation and foreign interference, she highlighted the annulment of Romania’s first-round presidential vote in December 2024. In response, the Commission will roll out the already-announced European Democracy Shield to pool member State efforts against information manipulation. The SOTEU platformed a new Media Resilience Programme to protect independent journalists, just a month after the Trump administration moved to restrict visas for foreign journalists. Von der Leyen also reiterated that rule of law remains the bedrock of democracy-and that this remains an inviolable condition for access to EU funds.

Lastly, housing-a competence reserved exclusively for member States though for which von der Leyen named the very first Commissioner-is once more a priority. Dan Jørgensen will have to assemble and present an Affordable Housing Plan later this year.

In keeping with previous SOTEUs, children (winning twelve mentions) and youth are referred to throughout. Von der Leyen insisted that the project of a free and independent Europe is dependent on shaping the generations of future citizens to come. In this light, and consistent with the theme of democratic resilience, the President opened the door to the idea of setting a minimum age for access to social media.

The attention granted to social matters signals the President’s desire to satisfy the left-leaning wing of her majority. Indeed, the very few new proposals were largely tailored to meet their expectations: Ms. von der Leyen proposed a partial suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, focusing on trade, and sanctions on extremist Israeli ministers and settlers. The adoption of such a proposition ultimately lies in the hands of member States, yet the proposal itself signals a firmer stance-one that public opinion, several governments, and parts of Parliament have been urging for some time.

China and the Climate, on the Sidelines

Certain topics such as Enlargement or Cohesion Policy received far less attention than in previous addresses. Climate-related issues, and, more broadly, environmental ones, surfaced only at the end of the speech; illustrated mainly by references to member State solidarity in fighting wildfires. This absence marks a departure from her first SOTEU in 2020, where the Green Deal and the response to climate change took centre stage. As for China, it was relegated far behind Russia, which was mentioned 29 times.

Strength in Unity?

Von der Leyen’s speech revolved around one key motif: Unity-the necessary condition to give Europeans a chance in preserving their freedom in a "new world order based on power". All the while, unity between the Parliament’s political groups, the different EU institutions and of the member States will determine the capacity of the Commission to deliver, better and faster.

But the magnitude of the challenge became immediately apparent as the presidents of the two largest groups of the European Parliament (the EPP and the S&D)-both supporters of von der Leyen’s majority-reacted vehemently following the speech. In a scene of mutual accusation that each other is responsible for slowing down the agenda and weakening the European majority, the two cast doubt on the EU's capacity to find efficient compromises and deliver quicker. The speech was, incidentally, interrupted by shouting and heckling from the far-right political groups that were quick to file a new no-confidence motion the day of the speech. Von der Leyen will also be facing a motion from the Left group. Only a year into her new mandate, and this will already be the third. Albeit improbable that these motions will remove her from office, she will nevertheless have to rally her political family- and, more broadly, the pro-European majority -at a time where the divides widened by the EU-US trade deal continue to threaten the unity of her camp.

A decisive horizon lies ahead: that of a Europe endowed with military strength and strategic autonomy. Yet behind the voluntarist momentum, harsh truths prevail. The Union is isolated, possesses little room for manoeuvre due to mounting tensions, whether these be internal, in the Parliament’s governing coalition, or external, with the persistent challenge of maintaining influence on the global stage. More decisive still, these projects remain hostage to the will of the member States-above all when it comes to pooling resources, decisions, and costs in meeting our shared challenges. Amid the return of power politics and brutality, and in the words of the Commission President, we must ask ourselves: Does Europe have the stomach for this fight? Do we have the sense of unity and urgency?" The jury, it would seem, is still out.

Ursula von der Leyen during her State of the Union address in Strasbourg on September 10, 2025.
Copyright image : SEBASTIEN BOZON / AFP