Search for a report, a publication, an expert...
Institut Montaigne features a platform of Expressions dedicated to debate and current affairs. The platform provides a space for decryption and dialogue to encourage discussion and the emergence of new voices.
29/10/2020

Reflections About American Politics on the Eve of the Presidential Election

Print
Share
Reflections About American Politics on the Eve of the Presidential Election
 Lisa Anderson
Author
Special Lecturer and Dean Emerita at the Columbia University School of International and Public Affairs.

President Donald J. Trump may well get his wish for the "Biggest crowd EVER" and his hope for television ratings that are "so high, "Bachelor finale, Monday Night Football type numbers"." A week before what may be the most consequential presidential elections in modern American history, the political atmosphere is a bizarre mix of travelling circus, World Cup final and horror movie. After nearly four years of a president who has said he is flattered by comparisons with the famous 19th century American showman P.T. Barnum, remembered for founding a famous travelling circus and promoting notorious hoaxes—exhibiting a half-monkey, half-fish creature he described as a South Pacific mermaid—Americans were primed for a presidential run by a huckster. Well before the Democratic candidate was selected, Trump was expected to sell his presidency with an aggressive and dishonest campaign, designed to frustrate and provoke his opponents, and he has not disappointed.

But the country in which he is running has changed. When the Democratic primary season formally kicked off with a televised debate among the party’s presidential hopefuls in June 2019, Trump had yet to be impeached, Covid-19 had not seen any human transmission, George Floyd was working as a security guard in Minneapolis, and unemployment in the US was 3.7%. By the time of the political conventions that anointed Trump and Joe Biden as the candidates of the Republican and Democratic parties in August 2020, Trump had survived a theatrical but otherwise futile impeachment trial, nearly 180,000 Americans had died of Covid-19 (the number is now 226,000, cases are surging in 34 of the 50 states and the United States leads the world in numbers of both cases and deaths), unemployment had more than doubled to 8.4% as the country sunk into recession, and the video of George Floyd’s gruesome murder at the hands of the police in May had sparked protests across the country and revitalized the Black Lives Matter movement. 

Taken together, [U.S. media and entertainment industry and sports market] amount to almost $800 billion, about a third of the total industry market globally. 

Trump’s reliance on bluster and showmanship, which had worked to secure his election and to salvage his presidency in the face of impeachment, did little to curb the pandemic. His reflexive promotion of snake oil cures and his contempt for the guidance of government epidemiologists and public health officials served merely to heighten anxiety and worsen the death toll. In the meantime, his open hostility to the politically mobilized protesters who demonstrated against police brutality across the country provoked threats of violence and intimidation among his supporters, who angrily rallied against mask mandates and lockdowns. 

The remarkable attention to this year’s election is not, however, wholly a tribute to Trump’s undeniable capacity to rile up both supporters and opponents. It is also a reflection of the sudden and dramatic disappearance of virtually any other form of entertainment. As the lockdown has proceeded, however unevenly across the country, Americans have been deprived of virtually all live theatre, movies, musical concerts, opera performances, and perhaps most importantly, professional and college sports. In a country not noted for its soccer hooliganism, the United States nonetheless has very robust sports and entertainment industries: the U.S. media and entertainment industry and sports market are the largest in the world. Taken together, they amount to almost $800 billion, about a third of the total industry market globally. The business implications of the lockdown are apparent: apart from broadcast and social media outlets, this is a sector that has been hit very hard by the pandemic.

But the political implications of the disappearance of conventional entertainment are also significant. Trump, ever sensitive to the entertainment value of his position, provided a performance in the first presidential debate more reminiscent of a WWE Smackdown, the popular televised professional wrestling program in which performers portray prizefighters vying in scripted wrestling matches with predetermined outcomes. Trump, who actually was inducted into the WWE Hall of Fame in 2013, was not actually debating with Biden, but portraying a sparring pugilist. Like the smackdown performers he emulated, he was well aware that "the most important thing to know about the rules of professional wrestling is that they can be changed, disregarded, made up on the spot or broken at any time." It was, as professional wrestling is to the uninitiated, an embarrassing performance—but it was entertainment. Professional wrestling fans are known as "smarks," those who know the matches are contrived but still enjoy watching them anyway; many of Trump’s followers are the smarks of American politics.

For ordinary sports fans, however, the absence of live sports has been more difficult. One fan of American football said he missed the opportunity to boo and jeer his team’s opponents "more than you can understand… because I have no way to release my venom." Shouting at the television during rare broadcast games does not provide the same "weird satisfaction" he said he gets from condemning the opposing team in person and in public. For this fan and many of his fellow enthusiasts, particularly men, political contests may serve as a substitute. As Eitan Hersh, a Tufts political scientist, argued, "men consume more political news [than women], but for a lot of them, especially younger men, it’s like a hobby and a sport." Erstwhile "sabermetricians"—analysts of baseball statistics—now follow Nate Silver "like he’s some kind of god." Perhaps not coincidentally, Silver, founder of the influential political polling analysis website FiveThirtyEight, first gained public attention forecasting the performance of professional baseball players. 

Trump supporters were particularly vocal about their dissatisfaction with the restrictions imposed to limit the spread of Covid-19 and they expressed their frustration as sports fans might. They organized outdoor rallies and arranged for weekend parades of boats and pick-up trucks festooned with Trump signs and flags, to wend their way through Democratic strongholds across the country. They took on the air of pep rallies for the school team, complete with cheerleaders, sophomoric humor and insults directed at the other team.

Although they may not produce the outcome [Trump] wants, it appears that voter turnout will be higher than it has been in a century.

Of course, in this case, the "other team"—Democrats, Black Lives Matter supporters, teachers, nurses, doctors, grocery store clerks, bus drivers and other essential workers—have not been amused by the slurs and abuse, the theatrical coughing by unmasked and disorderly crowds. And as early voting started across the country, voters came out in droves, overwhelmingly Democrats, for their own performance. Lined up to vote for hours at a time, as to get tickets for a rock concert or the Super Bowl, and arriving at the polling places hours before they open, as if for a Black Friday sale, they behaved—albeit far more decorously—as if they too missed the public performance of competition. 

As a result, it looks like Trump will see the enormous numbers he has always craved. Although they may not produce the outcome he wants, it appears that voter turnout will be higher than it has been in a century

The confusion of entertaining diversion with deadly serious responsibility may be one of most damaging legacies of the Trump era.

But the turning of politics into a game, a sort of blood sport, may have lingering consequences, not only because months have been squandered in reality-TV drama about whose medical advice should govern government policy and as a consequence thousands of people have died needlessly. Trump’s threats not to honor the outcome of the elections if he does not prevail may hearten those of his supporters who are hoping the game goes into overtime, but it has become a Halloween nightmare for his opponents. 

Indeed, long before he contracted and recovered from Covid-19, David Axelrod, advisor to former president Barack Obama described Trump as "like a vampire!... You’ve got to drive a stake right through his heart. He’s going to keep coming. There’s nothing he won’t do."

In the absence of movie theatres showing the Rocky Horror Show at midnight, with Halloween trick-or-treating banned in towns and cities across the country, Americans conjure their own witches and zombies, and wonder whether there really may be half-monkey, half-fish mermaids in the South Pacific. But the confusion of entertaining diversion with deadly serious responsibility may be one of most damaging legacies of the Trump era. As a Democratic Senator said in response to a question about whether the Democrats would resume Senatorial courtesy on home-state appointments, "No. The rules have changed. Do I look stupid to you?". In a context in which politics is made to stand in for so much of the community life we have been deprived of by the pandemic, and in which we are led by a showman and hustler who cannot distinguish between approval ratings and election results, too many politicians have become professional wrestlers, too many voters have become smarks, and too many people seem to want to do little more than run up the score. Fortunately, even in professional wrestling, matches have a time limit. Let us hope this one does as well. 

 

 

Copyright: MANDEL NGAN / AFP

Receive Institut Montaigne’s monthly newsletter in English
Subscribe